Myler (2017) proposes an algorithm for root-outward cyclic Spell-Out (Bobaljik, 2000) where the order in which heads are spelled out may deviate from their linear order when phrasal movement within the phonological word causes a mismatch between this linear order and the syntactic hierarchy (so-called Mirror Principle violations). Myler uses this method to account for cases where a morphophonological process applies across an intervening morpheme. I extend his model to morphosyntactically conditioned contextual allomorphy in Hungarian possessive DPs. Myler’s algorithm allows us to preserve strict locality, where only adjacent morphosyntactic nodes may condition contextual allomorphy (Embick, 2010).