Morphological and syntactic person restrictions in Caquinte
Emily Drummond, Zachary O'Hagan
May 2020
 

This paper presents a novel pattern of ditransitive person restrictions in Caquinte (Arawakan; Peru), where combinations of two local persons are ungrammatical, but non-hierarchical combinations (e.g., 3>local) are permitted. This restriction is obviated by anti-agreement under A'-extraction; as such, we argue that this restriction is entirely morphological, resulting from competition in a verbal template plus a RealizeParticipant constraint which requires overt exponence of local person features. Additionally, Caquinte shows a purely syntactic restriction on local direct objects in the presence of indirect object extraction, which we attribute to a Person Licensing Condition (BĂ©jar & Rezac 2003). The co-occurrence of these two restrictions suggests a modular system of person restrictions: the morphology derives certain types of restrictions, while the syntax derives others.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/006286
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Proceedings of NELS 50, eds. Mariam Asatryan, Yixiao Song, and Ayana Whitmal, 197-206.
keywords: pcc, person restrictions, licensing, anti-agreement, morphology, syntax
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