This work raises the question of whether or not more than one allomorph can surface when multiple syntactic copies are spelled out via movement. I provide evidence from Korean noun phrases in suggesting that this is possible. The work sheds light on the locality domain necessary for the realization of these allomorphs. It also provides a syntactic analysis which does not appeal to post-syntactic operations such as Lowering and Impoverishment. The current work puts forward a parsimonious take on how allomorphs can be realized together.