Type-restricted Argument Ellipsis and Generalized Quantifiers
Idan Landau
September 2022
 

Theories of argument ellipsis (AE) based on PF-deletion or LF-copying do not generate predictions as to possible constraints on the semantic type of the elided argument. Yet such constraints obtain, as documented in Landau to appear: Only e-type arguments can be targeted by AE. Focusing on quantificational arguments here, we show that when they yield readings expressible by e-type denotations, they may elide, but when they denote genuine generalized quantifiers, they may not. Utilizing the restricted range of interpretations made available by choice function binding and E-type pronouns, the analysis derives a number of peculiar scopal properties of indefinite NPs, quantifiers and exceptive phrases under argument ellipsis.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/006805
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: To appear in Linguistic Inquiry
keywords: argument ellipsis, quantification, strong quantifiers, semantic types, choice functions, negative concord, exceptives, semantics, syntax
previous versions: v1 [September 2022]
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