Morphological conditions on movement chain resolution: Inuktitut noun incorporation revisited
Michelle Yuan
December 2022

Recent research on the Copy Theory of Movement has suggested that the realization of movement chains may be regulated by well-formedness conditions governing complex word formation, such as the Stray Affix Filter (e.g. Landau, 2006; Kandybowicz, 2007). While most of this work has been primarily informed by patterns of verb movement and doubling, this paper demonstrates that the same logic holds for extracted nominal constituents as well. Evidence for this idea comes from noun incorporation in Inuktitut (Eastern Canadian Inuit). I provide novel data showing that, in Inuktitut, incorporated nominals are syntactically active, able to participate in case and agreement alternations and undergo phrasal movement. Thus, in contrast to most prior characterizations of Inuit incorporation (e.g. van Geenhoven, 1998, 2002; Johns, 2007, 2009; Branigan and Wharram, 2019), I conclude that incorporated nominals in Inuktitut are not structurally reduced and that incorporation takes place to satisfy the morphological requirements of the incorporating verb (cf. Sadock, 1985, 1991). That these nominals nonetheless invariably surface within the verb complex even when extracted follows straightforwardly from the aforementioned interaction between chain resolution and morphological well-formedness.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/006958
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: submitted
keywords: inuktitut, inuit, noun incorporation, word formation, chain resolution, copy theory of movement, stray affix filter, morphology, syntax
previous versions: v1 [November 2022]
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