Quantifier Raising out of Mandarin relative clauses
Huilei Wang
November 2022 

Quanti er Raising usually exhibits  nite-clause boundedness due to the syntactic and semantic economy constraints it is subject to (Fox 1995, 2000; Cecchetto 2004, a.o.). In this paper, I argue that QR out of a Mandarin prenominal pre-determiner RC is not only properly licensed, obeying both syntactic and semantic locality constraints, but also needed to account for the exceptional-scope e ects observed across relative clause boundaries (Huang 1982; Aoun and Li 1993, a.o.). I further consider constructions where the exceptional-scope e ects are not present, including relative clauses containing the focus-sensitive operator dou and full-sized subject RCs, and show that the absence of the exceptional-scope e ects in these constructions follows directly from the long QR analysis.

Format:	[ pdf ]
Reference:	lingbuzz/007183 (please use that when you cite this article)
Published in:	Natural Language Semantics
keywords:	scope ambiguity, clause-boundedness of qr, prenominal relative clause, phase theory, semantic economy, mandarin, semantics, syntax
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