The syntax of Greek discontinuous reciprocals
Lefteris Paparounas, Martin Salzmann
June 2024

We provide the first detailed description and analysis of the syntax of the understudied Greek split reciprocal reconstruction. As in other languages, the reciprocal appears to be bipartite consisting of a quantificational distributor (‘the one’) and a reciprocator (‘the other’). We show that, in Greek, this bipartiteness runs deep: the two parts are syntactically independent, with the reciprocator having the syntax of a Condition A anaphor, and the distributor behaving as a floating quantifier. Once we turn to how these elements establish relations between themselves and their antecedent, we find that Greek reciprocals resist a movement- or Agree-based analysis, since both elements can occur in positions inaccessible to movement/Agree. Given that the reciprocator can occur in embedded subject position, the Greek data also argue against recent attempts to reduce the binding domain to phases, instead supporting a more traditional definition of the binding domain in terms of the smallest XP containing the anaphor and a subject. Finally, we show that the mor- phosyntactic properties of the bipartite construction can be connected to independent properties of its two component parts, and that these can in turn be related to interpretive aspects of reciprocity.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/007655
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Syntax DOI:10.1111/synt.12289
keywords: reciprocals; binding; anaphora; quantification, locality, modern greek, syntax
previous versions: v2 [October 2023]
v1 [October 2023]
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