Scope and (anaphoric) binding are tough problems for event
semantics. Unlike the former, the latter has not even been attempted,
it seems. The present paper makes an attempt and reports on the
ongoing work, in the context of polynomial event semantics.
Polynomial event semantics is a variable-free dialect of
Neo-Davidsonian event semantics originally developed as a new approach
to (quantifier) scope. Extended
to relative clauses, it had to face traces,
which is a form of anaphora. The present paper extends the mechanism
proposed for traces to (nominal) pronouns. The same mechanism happens
to also apply to discourse referents. Anaphoric binding becomes oddly
symmetric. Also comes to light is a close analogy of indefinites and
unbound pronouns.