In this paper, I discuss apparent optionality in wh-fronting in Valdôtain Patois (Francoprovençal group). Using evidence from parasitic gap licensing and binding, I show that that clause internal wh-phrases undergo movement to their scope-taking position in narrow syntax. The different word orders result from the deletion of different copies in the chain. Deletion of all lower copies in the chain results in wh-fronting, whereas deletion of higher copies results in clause internal wh-phrases. The latter are thus evidence in favor of overt-covert movement, namely movement in narrow syntax with deletion of higher copies in the chain, and the T model (Bobaljik 2002; Amaechi & Georgi 2020). Furthermore, I show that clause internal wh-phrases do not display island sensitivity. Following Kotek (2016), I resort to the placement of interveners inside and above the island to diagnose the movement path of clause internal wh-phrases, which are not subject to intervention effects, both when the intervener is inside the island and when it's above it. I, therefore, argue that wh-phrases move out of the island to the matrix CP, where they scope over the entire sentence. Deletion of higher copies in the chain voids island effects (cf. sluicing. Merchant 1999, 2001; a.o.), in an under-explored kind of ‘salvation by deletion’ (Bošković 2002).