Through a detailed examination of an understudied elliptical construction in Spanish that I dub
Topic-Remnant Elided Wh-Questions (wh-TREQs), I argue that certain types of ellipsis exhibit
'mixed-identity' requirements. Specifically, I claim that while strict syntactic identity is necessary
for one portion of the elided structure, no identity constraints are imposed on the remaining portion
of the elided structure. The evidence presented supports an elliptical analysis of wh-TREQs
and challenges the notion of a unified identity condition in ellipsis. Moreover, I propose a novel
theory of ellipsis licensing based on a typology of [E]-features. Overall this research expands our
understanding of ellipsis, presenting a more nuanced approach to ellipsis licensing and identity.