Georgian is a language that lacks long-distance wh-movement from full finite CPs (Harris 1981). This paper analyzes one of the alternative strategies that the language employs: a structure with a proleptic wh-DP in the matrix clause and a co-referential gap in the embedded clause. I argue that this construction involves an indirect wh-dependency: the wh-phrase moves within the matrix clause, and a null operator moves within the embedded clause, but there is no true cross-clausal movement. I make a proposal about how such a structure arrives at the meaning of a long-distance question, making crucial use of the idea that some CPs denote predicates of contentful events (Kratzer 2006, 2016; Bogal-Allbritten 2016, 2017; Elliott 2020; Bondarenko 2020; Bondarenko 2022, a.o.). The proposed analysis allows us to unify prolepsis structures like in Georgian and structures with parasitic gaps analyzed as in (Nissenbaum 2000): in both constructions a verbal modifier (embedded CP/adverbial CP) successfully intervenes between a function and the argument that saturates it.